After all, While in the Polish C Level Contact List context the equivalence thesis is at least understandable, given historical events such as the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact and subsequent attempts by both empires to destroy the Polish nation, in the C Level Contact List Hungarian context it can only work if we omit two facts important. First, far from being a casualty of Nazi Germany's eastward expansion like Poland, Hungary (like Slovakia, Croatia, and Romania) gained C Level Contact List nominal independence, territory, or both by joining the Axis.
Second, the murder of C Level Contact List more than half a million Jewish-Hungarian civilians after the occupation of Hungary by the German army is not comparable to the crimes that the communists committed during the Soviet occupation of Hungary. Applebaum doesn't seem to notice. She is so blinded by the anti-totalitarian paradigm that she praises the House of Terror museum in Budapest, conceived and directed by Mária Schmidt, precisely for its C Level Contact List symmetrical treatment of the crimes of the Arrow Cross (the Hungarian fascist party) and those of the communists. . In both cases, they would be collaborators of two "evil empires" that invaded the territory of the country C Level Contact List and terrorized Hungarian society.
Applebaum completely misses the C Level Contact List clearly ideological function of the museum's permanent exhibition: by focusing on the crimes against humanity committed on Hungarian soil by these two groups, By shifting the focus of attention C Level Contact List from the content of a political project to the form of its promotion or the way it governs society, the anti-totalitarian framework relativizes not only the difference between the extreme right C Level Contact List and the extreme left, but also ideological differences in general. . It builds the image of an abyss between a good society –peaceful and pluralistic– and the evil totalitarians who crush it with violence.